Antonio Torres-Ruiz

The following paper critically revisits the conceptualizations of populism and democratization within political science, and it addresses the relationship between the two, aiming to refocus our attention on some of the epistemic weaknesses within our discipline. This is part of a larger project that, on the one hand, identifies some of the blind spots or shortcomings in the discipline's democratic theory literature and, on the other, attempts to (re)establish the relevance of political science to diverse and interconnected political realities and practices. For instance, whereas most analyses tend to define the Latin American region as being the locus of several populist and authoritarian regimes (from right to left of the political spectrum), I would argue, based on Ernesto Laclau's and Chantal Mouffe's analyses, that it is imperative and illuminating to distinguish between populist leaders, movements, parties, or regimes and populist " moments " or " moves. " Furthermore, traditionally, when discussing democratization and populism, the focus has largely been on local factors, however, I will contend that-both historically and in the present moment – continental and global geo-politico-economic circumstances and actors significantly explain the (re)emergence of populism and the (de)consolidation of democratic political regimes worldwide, as well as the distortions in our own analyses, as political scientists, of these phenomena.

RESUMEN El propósito de este trabajo es contextualizar nuestro proyecto, sobre el fortalecimiento de competencias de comunidades afrodescendientes cubanas y mexicanas para su participación en la planificación y el monitoreo de estrategias que incorporen su propia definición de bienestar o ´buen vivir´, y que respondan a sus demandas para el combate a la pobreza y las desigualdades asociadas a la marginalización. Se asume que la definición del bienestar asociada al desarrollo y su materialización no son prerrogativas de los gobiernos, ni de marcos normativos internacionales o de análisis puramente académicos, sino que las propias comunidades afrodescendientes cuentan con conocimientos que deben ser incorporados en estos procesos. De tal manera que lo esencial es el fortalecimiento de competencias que les permitan; a) articular su comprensión de las políticas públicas requeridas o lo que aquí llamamos´déficits públicos´-más ampliamente definidos-, y b) aprender a navegar los canales institucionales y marcos normativos, para hacerse escuchar y ser percibidos como proponentes de estrategias o políticas públicas y no meros receptores de las mismas. Las intervenciones de este proyecto, en materia de promoción y fortalecimiento de dichas competencias, estarán basadas en principios que responden al aprendizaje experiencial y la metodología de investigación-acción participativa. Esto último exige el firme compromiso entre los participantes (ej., instituciones de educación superior, encargados de la formulación de políticas públicas, y los miembros de las comunidades afrodescendientes) con la coproducción del conocimiento orientado hacia la investigación colectiva e institucional, para la transformación positiva de la vida comunitaria. ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to contextualize our project, which aims to strengthen the capabilities of Cuban and Mexican Afrodescendant communities to actively participate in planning and monitoring strategies that incorporate their own understandings of well-being or a good life (´buen vivir´), and their related demands to address poverty and inequalities associated with marginalization. This project assumes that defining ideals of well-being associated with development and materializing them cannot be merely a prerogative of governments, normative international frames, or purely academic analyses, but we see Afrodescendant communities' knowledges as central to these processes. Thus, the emphasis on strengthening their capabilities to; a) articulate their understandings of the required public policies of what we call here " public deficits " – more widely defined-, and b) learn how to navigate institutional channels and normative frames, to be effectively heard and perceived as partners in the formulation of strategies or public policy making rather than passive recipients/targets. The principles of experiential learning and community-based research methodology will underpin this project's interventions with regards to capability-building promotion and strengthening. This demands from all participants involved in the project (i.e., higher education institutions, policy makers, and members of Afrodescendant 1 | 8VA CONFERENCIA CIENTÍFICA INTERNACIONAL DE LA UNIVERSIDAD DE HOLGUÍN

A Tale of a Globalized Struggle for Human Rights and Development” deepens our understanding of public policymaking for the case of HIV/AIDS and health-related policies in Mexico, within the context of the current process of economic, political and social globalization. More concretely, it reveals significant changes on HIV/AIDS and health-related policies in the last three decades and points to a series of democratic openings in this area, which are part of a broader process of democratization, human rights activism, and sustainable human development. The central argument of my book is that the emergence of what are defined as national and international HIV/AIDS policy networks functions as a catalyst for the success of existing domestic actors in their efforts to advance their concerns and influence policy outcomes. This, in turn, represents an increasing participation of a broader set of actors, some of whom have been traditionally marginalized, such as sexual minorities. Although the present study is limited to one issue area, namely HIV/AIDS, it is argued that both the openings observed and the relatively increasing inclusiveness are likely to have long-lasting effects on the democratization of health public policymaking and implementation as a whole. Beyond the Mexican case, this analysis is of particular significance for other countries in Latin America and the Global South. Its significance is due to the increasing impact of the globalization process at the domestic level and the emergence of internationalized policy environments. Its importance lies also on the need to uncover the ways in which organized civil society groups respond to some of the negative effects that recent global macroeconomic reforms have had on the health of the poor and marginalized; further accentuating their vulnerability - both globally and locally.